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Main · Videos; How i met your mother 7x06 latino dating for women · ursula la sirenita pobres almas en desgracia latino dating · uacm cuautepec yahoo dating . Rumbo al mar 2. Un momento 3. Nosotros somos Tip y Dash 4. Finale - En la tierra y en el mar 5. Créditos 6. Los peces 7. Pobres almas en desgracia 8. Bésala. Francine Masiello teaches Latin American and comparative literature at the kind of modern sensibility in Latin American women writers dating from the s , defectuosas: crear el pobre para darle la limosna" [we know that in defective .. habia visto en cuerpo y alma" [the most beautiful woman besides Garbo and.
Revising the canon involves two interconnected and reciprocal activities: The change in direction of our gaze toward these previously marginalized texts changes our perspective on the texts traditionally considered central and the questions we ask of them. In some texts, these divisions and the systems of social oppression that they support are exposed by the text's resistance and subversion.
Our research has examined the objectification and distortion of women and women's lives resulting from the operation of these categories in literary representation and in the political and social roles of women. Francesca Miller's research into the historical roles of women from the s to the s has revealed a world of activism across national boundaries, in a Pan-American context in which women could confront global problems despite their disenfranchisement at home.
Feminist research in the history of women's movements in Latin America is essential to a transformation of our view of women in this period. If it is accepted that women's space is only interior and private, the reality of women's work outside the home is obscured, and the role of women schoolteachers, an important element in the formation of generations of citizens in Latin America, is ignored.
If we go further to examine what is meant by "interior" and "private," we find that these terms do not necessarily imply women's exclusion from cultural and political processes, regardless of their exclusion from voting booths or elected office.
Nor has women's activity been tied specifically to interior spaces: Likewise, much male-dominated political decision-making is done in enclosed, exclusive spaces. The assumptions attached to traditional images are challenged by the historical evidence. Similarly, the related commonplace that women speak from indoors, from womblike spaces, does not hold as an absolute: Our collective work led us to examine how women poets write nationalist epics.
If feminists were concerned more with Pan-Americanism than with loyalties to individual countries, and women's relationship to the land was circumstantially different from men's because of inheritance and ownership laws, then we could expect a different kind of "epic," which, in turn, would change the way we read traditional nationalist epic poetry. It is a rootless wandering and a dialogue in which a mother attempts to answer a child's questions; it does not narrate consecrated historical events or "explain" the national geography.
Not only is Mistral's familiar canonical image as frustrated mother challenged but the position of nationalist epic is also necessarily shifted from the center to another position on a sphere.
If Mistral's "epic" changes not only the way we read Mistral but also the way we read epic and position it in a literary hierarchy, then rereading other women authors and other genres has similarly wide-ranging effects. Alfonsina Storni's political writings have been neglected in traditional analyses, which see her poetry as desperate, frustrated, and focused on the male lover. Gwen Kirkpatrick's rediscovery of Storni's journalistic writings permits her to be seen as a working woman, acting autonomously for change in the social status of women.
She no longer represents the woman seeking her reflection in the mirror of male desire. Her poetry is a different kind of statement, not simply speaking to the male lover but also speaking to her readers about the way in which male-female relationships are articulated in poetic imagery. Francine Masiello's reevaluation of the novel of family relationships in the s and s casts new light on the representation of family structures in the novel: Expanding the range of novels to include popular fiction exposes attitudes toward the changing social structure and the changing role of women during this period.
An awareness of the vitality of women's movements in Latin America reveals the view of women as potentially disruptive to be a reaction to women's growing sense of autonomy. If women were in fact working and active in some public spheres, and some women writers were working and traveling on an international scale and living independently of stable homes dominated by husbands and fathers, the traditional family had to become a literary convention instead of a social reality based on natural laws.
The rereading of the canon is a reexamination of the relationship of those texts to historical contexts, as instruments of social control challenged by some devalued texts and exposed by the exaggerated reproduction of these conventions in some popular novels.
Kathleen Newman exposes another aspect of the public role of woman in her study of the media images of women between andas they reflect political anxieties of a changing society.
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She examines the modernization of femininity in relation to the historical context of social unrest and the entrance of women into the work force. Literary scholarship influences the ways in which a work may be read: The three mythic female figures of Mexican Colonial history—the Virgin of Guadalupe, La Malinche, and Sor Juana—represent modes of inscription of the feminine in the theological and political discourse of colonization; the process of inscription recasts each one in the cultural coinage of successive regimes.
The most popular image of Sor Juana sets the stage for the role of the woman writer as passionate, self-destructive heroine. Until very recently, book-length studies of Sor Juana centered on scrutiny of the personal life of the nun and speculated on her sexuality, rather than on Sor Juana's highly praised poetry and prose.
Like Storni and Mistral, whose public work in journalism and political activism was obscured in the process of anthologizing and canonizing their work to conform to cultural norms, Sor Juana is a writer whose place in her context is important to our understanding of women's writing in her own time and after.
Recent feminist scholarship has opened the possibilities for rereading the personal to reveal its political implications. Sor Juana and Storni, for example, represent the female body and the consequences of the male gaze in women's lives and women's creation of woman-centered art. This is the same gaze that Sor Juana cleverly mocks as she instructs the observer in the proper viewing of her portrait. Our research has not been directed toward establishing Sor Juana or other poets more solidly as precursors, as cultural "mothers," or as models for Latin American women poets.
Rather, we have sought to recover what has been left out of the processes of canonization: Our research, by restoring the aspects left out of some conventional images, shows why these works, writers, and genres are omitted: As social representation, what can be more public than a nun's renunciation of her previous individual identity in the interest of serving the Church? Sor Juana chose the apparent impersonality of the philosophical poem, a marginal literary genre.
Janet Greenberg's reading of Victoria Ocampo's autobiography has exposed neglected aspects of the writings of an important figure in Argentine literary history. Autobiography has been described as another marginalized genre, and precisely for that reason it has been a genre available to women from the early mystics to the present. Ocampo's journalistic writing and activity had an important impact on twentieth-century literary movements in Latin America, but a distorted view of her has been perpetuated by critics.
To reevaluate her writing is ultimately to replace the trivializing gossip surrounding her name with the reality of an influential woman and a complex writer in the context she was instrumental in creating. Our research in women's journalism has been essential to our awareness of the social and historical context of women's roles and women's writing. Each of us in her area of interest has been led to pursue research in periodical literature produced by, for, and about women.
Literate women have not been isolated from one another, but the scope of their dialogue has often been hidden. Feminist historians have shown the importance of magazines published as early as the eighteenth century as resources for studying the history of women.
This material clarifies the evolution of feminist theory and its relationship to action throughout modern history; it also provides a strong base from which to build contemporary feminism. In the presentation of Greenberg's working bibliography of women's periodicals we make a contribution toward the reconstruction of women's dialogue about and relationship to public debate and private life. The examination of this multifaceted debate opens another route to information about the ideas, strategies, goals, and accomplishments of women's movements.
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- Women, Culture, and Politics in Latin America
To read what was previously unread or to read familiar texts in a new way always offers the possibility of discovery. We have examined not only the relationships between literature and social realities but also the impact of neglected or critically misrepresented works upon their literary and social contexts. This perspective rearranges the canonical view of art as an unbroken tradition representing dominant views of class, race, and sex with negligible voices of dissonance on the margins.
Instead, we find a varied and conflictive field of activity in which the judgments of critics do not represent the response of readers or the dialogue among writers.
For the members of our group, this work has been a process of discovery and reevaluation that has widespread effects on the way we read and think about history and culture. The history of Latin American women's participation in the inter-American conferences suggests that the transnational arena held a particular appeal for Latin American feminists.
There are a number of reasons this was so. Within their national communities, they were disfranchised; and, as elsewhere, the national social and political arenas were characterized by androcracy. Moreover, Latin American female intellectuals were particularly alienated from politics as practiced within their countries, excluded from leadership positions by the forces of opposition as well as by their governments.
The inter-American arena in the first half of this century proved to be an important domain for feminist activity, one in which women activists from throughout the Americas pursued a number of the longstanding goals of international feminism.
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Two of the themes that emerge in the examination of women's concerns in this period are the push for resolutions that would commit the signatory governments to pursue legal and civil reform and the search for international peace. In consonance with her belief in the uplifting moral influence of women on the American soul, de la Parra insisted that "History and Politics are a banquet for men alone. The conflict between her action and her message vividly demonstrates the ambiguity felt by many of de la Parra's colleagues in, on one hand, their alienation from politics as practiced in their own national governments and, on the other, their desire to effect social, political and economic reform—reform that would bring "the young, the people, and women" into social and political equity and, in so doing, transform the essential patriarchal character of the state.
By the discussion of whether women should enter the political fray was a moot one: However, the history of Latin American women's participation in and contributions to international feminist discourse in the early twentieth century has been shrouded in historiographic assumptions about the nature and extent of feminist thought in Latin America, assumptions that imply that feminist thought in Latin America is derivative and not sui generis.
More concretely, it has been assumed that the creation of the Inter-American Commission of Women at the Sixth International Conference of American States in Havana in was not a collaborative effort by North and South American women but a response to the pressure tactics of the National Woman's Party of the United States and thus another example of North American hegemony, female-style.
The historical record belies these assumptions. Latin American women's participation in and contributions to international feminist discourse are well illustrated in the proceedings of inter-American conferences held between and Their purpose was to discuss "scientific, economic, social and political issues," and, as a later chronicler wrote, "women of the Latin American countries have been identified with these congresses since the first.
All these topics meshed comfortably with traditional feminine interests within their societies and were matters of concern to scientists and educators of both sexes. Over two thousand members gathered from throughout the hemisphere; it was observed by W. Shepherd of Columbia University that "women school teachers constituted a large part of the audience, and it must be said that they express their opinions, as well as their difference in opinion, from those held by the other sex, with a freedom and frankness which is quite surprising.
However, discussion of the education issue was appropriate to the forum and does not represent the breadth of feminist social critique in the Southern Cone republics at the turn of the century.
Cecilia Grierson presided; the topics discussed ranged from international law to health care to the problems of the married working woman, and reflected the participants' conversance with the international reformist and feminist dialogue of the day. The Washington congress took on far more significance within the context of inter-American relations than the previous scientific congresses had done. InEurope was at war, and in North America, Mexico was in the throes of revolution.
The United States Department of State, aware that the audience of the scientific congress would include the diplomatic representatives of the states of the Western Hemisphere resident in Washington, took the opportunity to put forth its interpretation of hemispheric security and the need to build up defensive power. Thus, the character of the meeting was altered from a collegial exchange of professionals to a facsimile of a full-dress inter-American diplomatic conference. One of the consequences was that, unlike the Congresses that had been held in South America, the Washington congress did not include women among the "savants, scientists, and publicists" invited.
The women were relegated to the balconies. Thus began the second phase of women's efforts to focus attention on issues of their special concern. In response to their debarment from the official Washington meetings, a number of Latin American women, among them educators and other professionals, diplomats' wives and daughters, foregathered with their North American counterparts to form an auxiliary meeting—a meeting that attracted so many participants that the women overflowed the small room they had originally been allotted and were moved to the ballroom of the Mayflower Hotel this fact was carefully noted in the minutes.
However, the women had a different agenda. On issues of social welfare, their program often intersected with that of reform-minded males; the split came when the women sought to have equality of rights for their own sex, such as equal access to education and to the ballot box and equality within marriage.
The women were involved because they had issues about which they could agree, despite great diversity in background and personal political orientation. The agenda drawn up at the Mayflower Hotel in stated that the purpose of the meeting was not only to "exchange views of the subjects of special interest to women," which included "the education of women, training of children, and social welfare," but also to discuss subjects of Pan-Americanism. In the words of the keynote speaker, "We the women of North and South America, which possess similar conceptions of individual rights and constitutional government, possess a common duty to mankind which we must not ignore.La Sirenita - Pobres Almas En Desgracia
One in Baltimore in began with the intention of emphasizing the importance of suffrage, but concluded with a platform calling for international peace through arbitration; abolition of the white slave trade; access to education at all levels; the right of married women to control their own property and earnings and to secure equal guardianship; the encouragement of organizations, discussion, and public speaking among women and freedom of opportunity for women to cultivate and use their talents and to secure their political rights; and, finally, the promotion of friendliness and understanding among all Pan-American countries, with the aim of maintaining perpetual peace in the hemisphere.
We were received in the United States, not as if we were representatives of unimportant countries as happens at the international congresses of the Old World, but with a frank cordiality and with the same consideration that has marked the relations of women of the Americas since the days of our pioneering foremothers.
A continuing organizational structure with an accumulated history of international activity was established; funding sources had been identified; a communications network was in place. A political platform had been enunciated and agreed upon; it was a distillation of the issues which had been raised over the past two decades.
The sympathetic atmosphere and reformist zeal of the Pan-American women's conference described by Lutz were hardly characteristic of the pre-war International Conferences of American States.
The Fifth International Conference of American States, held in Santiago inwhich was the first convened since the onset of World War I, took place in an atmosphere of controversy. The desire of the women to insert feminist issues and matters of broad social reform into the program of the conference paralleled the desire of many in both North and South America, male and female, to use the conferences to challenge United States imperialist activities in Central America and the Caribbean—a political position that was, in turn, fully supported by feminist leaders throughout the hemisphere.
There were no official women delegates; nevertheless, women from throughout the hemisphere had traveled to Havana for the conference. And they were not there as interested individuals or spouses. The IACW was "the first governmental organization in the world to be founded for the express purpose of working for the rights of women.
Nevertheless, the choice of the Pan-American meetings as a forum for the discussion of women's and feminist issues proved politically astute: The leadership of the Latin American women is clearly illustrated not only in providing the precedent of using inter-American congresses as a forum for the debate of feminist issues but also in the insistence on the inclusion of issues of social justice in the first Pan-American women's platforms, which directly reflected the dominant concerns of Latin American feminists.
In Havana inthe women demonstrated against the United States' occupation of Nicaragua and protested the dismissal of the Haitian representatives. The Declaration by the Government of the United States that it would never again intervene in foreign countries in order to protect North American property.
Since [the Section] has contributed to the improvement of relations between the United States and Mexico. Doris Stevens USA was chair. The IACW took up the task of collecting material on the legal status of women from every country in the hemisphere: The commission drafted a resolution to establish equality in nationality for presentation to the World Conference for the Codification of International Law, to be held at The Hague in March, The resolution stated, "The contracting parties agree that from the going into effect of this treaty there shall be no distinction based on sex in their law and practice relating to nationality.
The women did their own secretarial work; they had secured a small office space in the Pan American Union building in Washington only after dealing with numerous harassment tactics—when they arrived at their office in the first few months of their existence, they often found that their two desks had been "borrowed" or that all the chairs were missing. The first of these was the issue of the nationality of married women. The earliest opportunity to present the Resolution on the Nationality of Women to an international body came at the meeting of the council of the League of Nations at The Hague in As the women had no official status within the league, the resolution was put forth by male diplomatic representatives from the Americas: The IACW draft urged the American states to consider the question of whether it would not be possible 1 to introduce into their law the principle of the equality of the sexes in matters of nationality, taking particularly into consideration the interests of children, and especially 2 to decide that in principle the nationality of the wife should henceforth not be affected without her consent either by the mere fact of marriage or by any change in the nationality of the husband.
It is to be noted that there is a clear movement of opinion throughout the world in favor of a suitable settlement of this question. The thesis -examines the interaction between the inexorable progress of Fortune, a disembodied force which is allied to time and death, and the necessity of a man's finding his real identity by knowing himself conocerse and gaining nobility by overcoming himself vencerse.
In the religious plays he must overcome the promptings of the devil and follow the way of God; in the secular plays he must overcome the promptings of his passions and follow the way of reason. In the last of his plays Mira emphasises that a man must fuse the virtues of the courtier and the Christian and be orderly galanbrave valientecharitable liberaland prudent discreto. The thesis also examines Mira's presentation of tragedy, tragicomedy, and comedy, and traces the development of his dramatic techniques.
In his mature works he fused the implicit duality of the interaction between his principal themes with his fondness for duality or multiplicity in his characterisation, language, and narrative technique, to produce finally a balanced and symmetrically patterned, but fully integrated, structure.
The development of Mira's technique is a microcosm of the development of the whole Golden Age theater, beginning with the rudimentary form of the end of the sixteenth century and ending with the sophistication of Rojas Zorrilla, Moreto and Calderon. Jews are money lenders and those who try to be like Jews end up like Jewsbut with a twist, Genaro is remorseful and basically not cruelthis is not true of Jews.
The season started with the production of Judio by Ivo Pelay, which opened in May He did not dress in the traditional Hassidic garb and have a long beard. He dressed more as a German v. Polish-Russian Jew in a three piece suite, wore a goatee, and used a monocle. The play was well received by the public and as favorable reviewed by unnamed critic.
Vazquez opened shortly after and it includes a Jewish primary character. Pelay also read a monologue "El judio erante. Most critics felt this was also a way for Pelay to take advantage of the corresponding success of his sainete Judio, which was on stage at the same time. In an interview regarding Judia, published in Comoedia, Pelay clearly stated the reason for the name was that the protagonist is Jewish and, furthermore, it has nothing to do with the success of Judio.
He hoped that his effort would produce something on the order of American musical theatre. Above the bed is a sign "teatro nacional" and on a table in front of the bed are medicine bottles labeled "Judia," "Judio-Aaron" a play by Samuel Eichelbaum in the teatro Sarmiento and "Judio. Perhaps the ailing patient would survive and get well.
The reviewer described the play as "una obra de grandes valores The play opened in the teatro Ideal in April The unsigned review appeared in Comoedia shortly after the play opened. However, when a play suggested anti-Semitism existed or defended Jews on the basis of their right to be practicing Jews, than this was wrong. This attitude fits in well with the apparent presentation of Christians being tolerant and open to intermarriage, while Jews were not. To present Jews as usurers and sharp traders was all right because, apparently, reviewers felt this was a statement of fact that did not need commentary.
Thus the Jew as the "other" is clearly denoted. He has been arrested for trying to seduce a woman in public, or according to the arresting officer, Cabo Pizza: Jacobo tried to get it back and the policeman not only arrested him but congratulated the woman on besting the Jew. In the police station, Jacobo prays in "Idisch" and moans aloud when he is accused of being a fence, or as described by the desk officer "[[exclamdown]]Este Judio ha sido detenido por reducidor!
His only crime is that he asked a Christian woman to marry him.
She leads him on by calling him affectionately "Jacobito" when she asks him why he wants to marry her since he is a Jew. He replies "Soy Judio, piro tengo todo lo qui tiene un cristiano. However, when it is between an immigrant Jew and a creole woman, it is for immoral reasons and the subject for arrest. The old myth that Jewish men are corrupters of Christian women clearly had currency in Argentina, a country purportedly free from anti-Semitism.
Probably one of the best known of the saineteros is Alberto Vacarezza Famous for his sainetes dealing with the life of the poor in the slum neighborhoods of Buenos Aires, he created a whole host of characters that have become part of the folklore of the city of Buenos Aires. Two of his works are devoted exclusively to "Jewish" themes and two others includes a Jewish character.
Those sainetes that are devoted to Jewish themes are El barrio de los JudiosEl cambalache de la buena suerte The other two that contain at least one Jewish character are El cabo Quijote and Los pesqueros El Barrio de los Judios, a sainete in verse in one act and three cuadros, debuted in the teatro Nacional during the winter season of It is a revista with three cuadras and takes place in a compra-venta, or as called in Argentine Spanish, a cambalache. The image presented by Vacarezza of Jews is at best a two-dimensional stereotype of a cheating usurious sharp trader engaged in the second-hand trade.
If there are sympathetic portrayals of Jews, it is generally the son or daughter of the old Jew who wants to marry a non-Jew.
This marriage, of course, is opposed by the parents, who in their opposition, Vacarezza presented as being narrow-minded and tied to an out-dated religious belief system. In the sainete El barrio de los Judios, for example, the daughter of Samuel, the second-hand man, wants to marry the Christian, Antonio.
She is admonished in heavily accented Spanish by Salomon who loves her: She says that the she is Argentine and not by implication that other nationality, Jewish. Furthermore, she went on to say the issue of race is not important. What is important is the quality of people, their goodness and their true feelings: Antonio's parents, who do not oppose the marriage, are informed but not her parents because her father would stop the wedding.
Just after the ceremony, Samuel finds her and orders her home. She retorts that he no longer runs her life but her husband is the one who now "manda. It seems that Solomon holds a huge loan against the shop of Samuel. Solomon, who is a usurer, held the loan as a means of forcing Olga to marry him. The hold now is broken. All can rejoice in the wedding and even Samuel now accepts the marriage.
The play ends with one character saying that there is no religion here only love, there is no nationality here only that of Argentina. The message of the play is clear: Argentina is a liberating country. Even Jews can be liberated from their narrow-minded religious perspective. The sub-theme portrays Christians as being open to change and new conditions--the parents of Antonio, for example, do not see Olga's religion as a barrier to the marriage.
This play takes place in a compra-venta store owned by Salomon Krajeorjevich who has son Isaac, a daughter Rebeca, and a younger son Miguel. Salomon serves as a fence for a series of petty crooks whom he cheats on a regular basis and in turn is robed by them.
The crook "el Pajarito" is a prime example of this cambalache's clientele. His relationship with Salomon clearly tells the audience about both men: El Pajarito wants to sell for 10 duros "un bobo amarillo con cadena reforzada y madalla a Don Leando. Salomon accuses the thief of being "pir lo qui ti coista a vos meter la mano in bolsilio ageno.
Thus, Jews are sharp traders, usurers, and thieves. Further, while both men are thieves, the creole El Pajarito is by far the cleverer because he can outsmart a Jew. Throughout the play El Pajarito continues to steal things from Salomon and then resell them back to him.
Salomon admonishes his daughter not to keep looking out on the street: Her brother, Isaac, is upset as well, due to her affection for Valentine, and he admonishes her: Now, how can Rebeca marry an unemployed clerk? Samuel sent his employee Joselin out to spy on Rodolfo Prujermann, the purported novio of Rebeca. Joselin finds out that Rodolfo owns three properties: This type of parody on the immigrant builds on an earlier tradition of the "bozal," or person who speaks Spanish poorly because it is not his native tongue, later more fully developed with the character of the "cocoliche" or parody of the Italian who speaks a bastardized Spanish.
Salomon has another son who is "acriollado," Miguel. He serves to highlight the conflict between the immigrant and the native born. Miguel accused father of being an "Usurero. Manuel feels his father loves Isaac more because he "chamuyo el iris" and he studies to be a doctor.
In essence, one brother seems to be the "ideal Jewish son" while the other is not. However, it will be Miguel who proves to be the savior of the family and this role Vacarezza developed in the context of the relationship between Rebeca and Rodolfo. Rodolfo comes in to talk about the engagement with Rebeca. Neither Rodolfo nor her father involve in the discussion.
Angered by this omission, Miguel jumps in and defends her rights: El Pajarito plots to rob store and burn it. Miguel and Valentin plot to arrange the marriage. Salomon, Isaac and Rodolfo plot to get Rebeca married the next day.
Salomon catches El Pajarito in the act of robbing the store and calls police. Police come and arrest Joselin. Vacarezza is playing with the audience and with his characters: Obviously the Jew, whom the police arrest as the thief. While Samuel works to extradite Joselin from police, El Pajarito safely alone inside the store, continues to rob it, and escapes with several suitcases filled with goods.
As he leaves he says "[[exclamdown]]Ah rusos mal educados! He is in reality Kramir Traviesky and is already married.
Women, Culture, and Politics in Latin America
He seduces young girls "marries' them and turns them into prostitutes. Since Rebeca is married only by religious rite, she is saved because the marriage is not legal without a civil ceremony. Therefore, she is not really married. Salomon recognizes that he was wrong in opposing the marriage, and in holding to outmoded views relative to the values of life. The Jew is acriolado. Their only purpose in the play is to provide "comic relief" and to add reality to the patio scenes of the conventillo.
Another character, Sebastian a creole, looks upon these people of the "new Argentina," the land of the immigrant, and laments: Furthermore, there are broader themes that focus on the issues of Argentine nationality, Argentina as a place for new ideas, conflict between the old European-based generation and the Argentine born generation, and assimilation.
These by definition include Jews as part of the larger immigrant population. Very easily some of the stereotypical definitions are exclusively Jewish; for example, the Jew as a sharp trader and as usurer--the classic Shylock figure.
Others images used in the sainetes are more inclusive and Jews could be replaced with Italians, or Gallegos. The example that could be used here is the assimilated son or daughter in conflict with the values of the immigrant parent or parents who could be Italian, Spanish, Jewish, or even Turkish.
The last work to be discusses is a sainete estudiantina by three Jewish authors Mauricio and Luis Bliffeld and Felipe Teper. While it may appear to be out of the scope of this brief study, it is discussed in the content of the impact of the theatre image of the Jew even on Jewish authors.
His parents Isaac and Rebeca are stereotypical Jews who speak with a heavy Yiddish accent, For example, they say bionas versus buenas and alegkres versus alegres, they make tea in a samovar and drink from a saucer with a sugar cube in their teeth. At the party is a girl called Elisa, who Leonard tells his parents is his novia No sabe lo que es un samovar His father, when introduced to her, asks if she is a Christian?
Isaac wails, as a reason why his son should not marry a Christian, is because "somos una raza diferente" In an another scene the father sends a matchmaker "Schadjen" Samuel to visit his son. This character is described as an old Jew with a long beard, somewhat disheveled, and with a Yiddish newspaper in his hand. He wants to speak in Yiddish.
The son refuses and wants to speak only in "castellano. Elisa comes in and they kiss passionately and with much love. Later, Silberstein meets a friend, who asks how things are. He replies that things have gone not well or as he had hoped.